US Official Assesses Risk to Democracy in Guatemala, Dominican Republic

 
The "crisis of democracy" occurring in some parts of the Western Hemisphere is evident both in Guatemala and-to a lesser extent-in the Dominican Republic, says Monica Vegas Kladakis, senior coordinator for democracy and human rights promotion in the State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor.

Testifying before members of the House International Relations Committee on October 10, Kladakis warned legislators that "fragile, ineffective democratic institutions, which fail to protect fundamental human rights and establish the rule of law, present a serious threat to democracy in Guatemala, in the Dominican Republic, and throughout the hemisphere."

Kladakis described her recent trip to Guatemala, where she met with government officials, human rights activists, civil society groups, journalists, and political party representatives. "A common theme emerging from our meeting with civil society groups was the lack of confidence in political parties and democratic institutions," she explained. "The schism between the elite 'political class' and the constituents they are elected to serve has eroded the average citizen's confidence in democracy. Clandestine groups that commit human rights abuses with impunity are on the rise, and those who work to protect human rights and democracy are increasingly at risk and under threat."

The lack of respect for human rights "undermines initial measures undertaken by Guatemala to address past abuses committed during the 36-year civil conflict" and erodes support for "the nascent reconciliation process," Kladikis said. "Finally, continued corruption scandals involving high-level government and military officials, coupled with a lack of transparency and accountability, also present serious threats to democracy."

She noted that there was "growing concern in the human rights community and civil society groups that the clandestine groups responsible for the recent wave of threats and violence against human rights activists and forensic anthropologists may be operating with at least the tacit complicity of elements within the Guatemalan government." However, Kladikis acknowledged that "there are some positive democratic elements that merit support" within the country. For example, Guatemalan judges convicted a military officer on October 3 for his involvement in the 1990 murder of a prominent anthropologist. "This was the first trial in which a high-level military official was convicted for human rights abuses committed during the civil conflict, and establishes an important precedent for future investigations of human rights violations that occurred during the civil war period," Kladikis said.

The Dominican Republic "faces similar, albeit less systemic, threats" to its democratic system, she added. While the nation "has a popularly elected president and legislators who won generally free and fair elections," Kladikis pointed to such problems as "the government's poor record on human rights," "race-based discrimination" and "trafficking in persons," all of which she cited as "substantial threats" to democracy. And although "the [Dominican Republic's] National Police have made great strides in improving their abysmal human rights record under new leadership," there still exists "a climate of impunity" because security forces sometimes "commit abuses with the tacit acquiescence of civil authority," she said. She praised General Marte, chief of the National Police, for turning "suspected culprits over to the civilian courts for prosecution, almost unheard of before." Even so, Kladikis said that prison conditions in the Dominican Republic "remain inhumane and the use of torture [is] commonplace."

The U.S. response to these "challenges to democracy and human rights in Guatemala and the Dominican Republic has been consistent-support the consolidation of democratic institutions that protect human rights, promote civil society, and restore the rule of law," Kladikis declared. "We take every opportunity to press these governments at all levels to institutionalize democracy and protect the fundamental rights of their citizens." To that end, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) "funds a variety of assistance programs to strengthen local governments, promote civil society and support the justice sector in both Guatemala and the Dominican Republic," she said.

Kladikis concluded her testimony by emphasizing that "promotion of democracy is-and will continue to be-a central, defining element" of U.S. foreign policy, and that the United States will "continue to use all available bilateral and multilateral tools ... to combat threats to democracy and to institutionalize democratic reforms" in order to foster a stable Western Hemisphere.

Following is the text of Kladikis's remarks, as prepared for delivery:

Testimony by

Monica Vegas Kladakis
State Department Senior Coordinator for Democracy and Human Rights
Promotion
Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Bureau

At a hearing entitled:
"Drug Corruption in Guatemala and the Dominican Republic"

House International Relations Committee
Western Hemisphere Subcommittee

October 10, 2002

Mr. Chairman, members of the Committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify before you today on threats to democracy in Guatemala and the Dominican Republic. The Committee's interest in the state of democracy in these two countries is timely and welcome, given the importance of this region to our vital interests and the growing concern over the "crisis of democracy" in the hemisphere. President Bush has repeatedly highlighted the importance of the Americas. This need to focus on our neighbors to the south has become increasingly apparent over the last year. Many of our strongest democratic allies in Latin America have been ravaged by global market upheavals that exposed weak democratic institutions and exacerbated internal social and political tensions.

Guatemala and the Dominican Republic are confronting serious threats to democracy. Many of these threats have already been thoroughly addressed by my colleagues from the Bureaus of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement and Western Hemisphere Affairs. Fragile, ineffective democratic institutions, which fail to protect fundamental human rights and establish the rule of law, present a serious threat to democracy in Guatemala, in the Dominican Republic, and throughout the hemisphere. The crisis of representation and the historic deep divide between the elite "political class" and average citizens of both countries have also contributed to the destabilization of democracy in our focus countries and throughout the region. This trend is deepened by a lack of institutional transparency and widespread corruption. The continued marginalization of indigenous populations in Guatemala, throughout Central America, and across the Andean region constitutes another profound failure that must be addressed if democratic stability is to take root.

Having recently returned from a trip to Guatemala with Assistant Secretary Craner, I will focus the majority of my remarks on critical threats to Guatemala's struggling democracy. During this trip we were able to meet with government officials, human rights activists, civil society groups, journalists, and political party representatives. Our interlocutors confirmed many of our worst fears about the delicate state of democracy and human rights in Guatemala, but they also highlighted some positive democratic elements that merit support.

A common theme emerging from our meetings with civil society groups was the lack of confidence in political parties and democratic institutions. The schism between the elite "political class" and the constituents they are elected to serve has eroded the average citizen's confidence in democracy. Clandestine groups that commit human rights abuses with impunity are on the rise, and those who work to protect human rights and democracy are increasingly at risk and under threat. This presents not only a grave threat to democracy in Guatemala but also undermines initial measures undertaken by Guatemala to address past abuses committed during the 36-year civil conflict and support the nascent reconciliation process. Finally, continued corruption scandals involving high-level government and military officials, coupled with a lack of transparency and accountability, also present serious threats to democracy.

There was also growing concern in the human rights community and civil society groups that the clandestine groups responsible for the recent wave of threats and violence against human rights activists and forensic anthropologists may be operating with at least the tacit complicity of elements within the Guatemalan government. A number of retired military officers with ties to violent organized crime have significant influence within the army, police, judicial and executive branches. In separate meetings with high-level government officials, Assistant Secretary Craner raised these concerns and urged them to devote necessary resources to the beleaguered judicial system to enhance its ability to effectively investigate and prosecute these cases.

Our visit also coincided with the trial of three senior Guatemalan military officers charged with orchestrating the 1990 murder of prominent Guatemalan anthropologist Myrna Mack and the appeals hearing for the three former military officials convicted of the 1998 killing of Bishop Juan Gerardi, the Coordinator of the Archbishop's Office on Human Rights. Guatemala's Court of Appeals has since annulled the Gerardi convictions and granted a new trial to the three former military personnel and Catholic priest allegedly involved. On October 3, the Mack trial came to an historic conclusion, with the judges convicting one of the three officers for his involvement in the Mack murder. This was the first trial in which a high-level military official was convicted for human rights abuses committed during the civil conflict, and establishes an important precedent for future investigations of human rights violations that occurred during the civil war period.

Democracy in the Dominican Republic faces similar, albeit less systemic, threats. The Dominican Republic has a popularly elected president and legislators who won generally free and fair elections. Despite marked improvement over the last year, though, the government's poor record on human rights poses a substantial threat to democracy. The National Police have made great strides in improving their abysmal human rights record under new leadership. Nevertheless, we continue to watch this situation closely; even one extrajudicial killing is one too many. Race-based discrimination in the Dominican Republic and trafficking in persons continue to undermine democratic values and constitute serious human rights violations. Judicial authorities rarely prosecute human rights abusers. At times members of security forces commit abuses with the tacit acquiescence of civil authority, fostering a climate of impunity. However, General Marte, chief of the National Police, has turned suspected culprits over to the civilian courts for prosecution, almost unheard of before. Prison conditions remain inhumane and the use of torture commonplace.

Our approach to these overwhelming challenges to democracy and human rights in Guatemala and the Dominican Republic has been consistent-support the consolidation of democratic institutions that protect human rights, promote civil society, and restore the rule of law. We take every opportunity to press these governments at all levels to institutionalize democracy and protect the fundamental rights of their citizens. Toward this effort, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) funds a variety of assistance programs to strengthen local governments, promote civil society and support the justice sector in both Guatemala and the Dominican Republic.

I would like to conclude by stressing that promotion of democracy is-and will continue to be-a central, defining element of our foreign policy. We will continue to use all available bilateral and multilateral tools at our disposal to combat threats to democracy and to institutionalize democratic reforms toward a stable Western Hemisphere.

(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)